May 11, 1998
Margaret Fuller: Performing Civic Equality
Images courtesy of the Margaret Fuller Society Homepage
RELATED WEB SITES
Fuller as Muse of the Women's Rights Movement
Godey's Lady Book: Letters of the Separate Sphere
Quotes from other Nineteenth Century Freethinking Women
A Brief History of the Women's Rights Movement
The French Connection: Romantics and Jacobins
RELATED ELECTRONIC TEXTS
Declaration of Sentiments and Declarations of the Seneca Falls Convention
JOHNS HOPKINS GUIDE TO LITERARY THEORY & CRITICISM ON...
to Kyle Napoli for the design tutorial
I. Methodological Introduction
Margaret Fuller had in mind that the title of her essay "The Great Lawsuit: MAN versus MEN. WOMAN versus WOMEN" (which she would later expand and re-name "Woman in the Nineteenth Century") should prepare the reader to suspend habitual thinking in order to "meet [her] on [her] own ground." To honor Fuller's desire to be met on her own ground (or perhaps, given the turn this paper has taken, her stage), I have worked to reconstruct what her ground/stage might have been, and to understand her ideas/performance in that light. My approach engages feminist performance theory as articulated by Judith Butler and Marjorie Garber, with historical and intertextual context. Butler's examination of the relationship between phenomenology and performance of gender offers a cogent model of the process by which cultural constructs of gender become naturalized without quashing the agency of the historical actors. Garber's examination of transvestitism in narrative as a signal of a society under conceptual stress also works particularly well with Fuller, since her writing activity was very much part of Transcendentalism and the American Renaissance, and responded to historical changes, sectional crisis, slavery, the decline of women's rights, and especially political reform. Viewing Fuller's "The Great Lawsuit" as a act of textual transvestitism became more persuasive as I grappled with her complex and sometimes opaque arguments, and certainly was supported by Edgar Allen Poe's view of her as a gender maverick (he divided humanity into three classes: "men, women and Margaret Fuller" ).
I began this essay with the intention of using feminist and new historicist literary theory, but found it impossible to reconcile the egalitarian and androgynous philosophy of "The Great Lawsuit" with the essentialism of feminist literary theory. For example, Elaine Showalter's "gynocritics" assumes sexual difference in the psychodynamics of creativity, the "problem of a female language," and the assumption of a distinct and progressive "female tradition" of writing. While Monique Wittig stands against essentialism, she argues that nineteenth century feminists universally viewed woman as "unique," and that they ignored the historicity of the construction of that view, not to be rescued until women social scientists worked to prove the intellectual equality of the sexes at the end of the century. While these descriptions may apply to the majority of women's literary production, I would argue that Fuller's "The Great Lawsuit" worked to stimulate thinking on the possibilities of Woman by demonstrating that a woman could perform key cultural "scripts" such as a lawsuit and a jeremiad, that women had furthered Western civilization and were crucial to the realization of its zenith in American political culture, and that femality was not only an androgynous aspect of humanity but was also in fact the agent of genius. Fuller hardly wanted to bolster "separate spheres" ideology by emphasizing women's differences. She saw in the absence of women from the public sphere not only great inequality, but also an American body politic kept artificially immature by utilizing only one half of the "Great Radical Dualism." Fuller's key assertions-- the centrality of self-reliant spiritual regeneration, the sexlessness of the soul, and an un-gendered "femality" -- thus contradict the categories which Showalter, Wittig and other feminists have ascribed to mid-nineteenth century women's literary production.
Thus, my attempt to "meet her on her own ground" led me to a non-essentialist approach that analyzed the way in which she invoked the jeremiad and Revolutionary referents to legitimize her voice, and then deployed that legitimacy to argue for a new conception of Woman and femality. Accordingly, Butler's theory of gender-as-performance seemed particularly fitting: Fuller learned male cultural scripts by receiving a "male" education (eventually gaining the reputation as the best-read person-- man or woman-- in New England), she rehearsed them with men and women alike as she sought to hone her intellectual skills, and when she turned to a gender critique, her mastery allowed her to perform a powerful revision of these forms. Far from simply "imitating," Fuller was performing traditionally male scripts with mastery and innovation. In Butler's essay, it is unclear what aspect of an individual chooses to repeat or alter the gendered "scripts" as they conduct their performance. Ultimately, Butler hopes that we might achieve a state in which gender scripts have no particular cultural meaning. For Fuller, there was no question of the choice of guidance; femality's self-reliant Minerva aspect must translate the inspiration of its Muse aspect into self-reliant action. And on the question of prescription, where Butler apparently desires either uniformity or an absence of signifying meanings, Fuller affirms that a great variety of male and female expressions will demonstrate the fullness of femality unfolding. Fuller's Transcendentalist critique took "Self Reliance" to its logical -- and for many, seemingly Jacobin -- politically feminist conclusion. The question of how to support a revolution of American political culture that focused on the immorality of falling short of a national covenant suggested a revitalizing jeremiad, while she could translate concerns about Jacobinism into a sense of a revitalizing of American Revolutionary ideals in an era very much concerned with the legacy of that Revolution. In claiming the intellectual realm (and its language) as her own, she does textually what she would later work to do politically and socially: she claims the institutions of America for women as well as men by affirming important national ideals.
My methodology is an attempt to hold in tension concerns of both new historical and cultural studies theories (in this case, performance theory). I wanted to contextualize Fuller's project to demonstate how it varied from (and was more interesting than) what many feminists argue was an imitative and relatively unsophisticated period for women's literary production by engaging new historicism. Yet, Fuller was interested in many of the same issues that concern cultural theorists: the naturalization of cultural constructs, historical change, and the power of language. In combining the two approaches, I hope to give performance theory a historically grounded stage and audience on which to operate. To complicate the analytical, ostensibly objective form of the standard essay, I have provided links to other web sites that give further information about the context in which Fuller wrote and acted.
II. The Performance of Civic Equality: Margaret Fuller's "The Great Lawsuit"
In July 1843, Margaret Fuller's "The Great Lawsuit: Man versus Men; Woman versus Women" appeared in The Dial, the journal of the Transcendentalists. In "The Great Lawsuit," Fuller argued that America had failed its destined mission to elucidate a "great moral law." Once the truth "all men are created equal" was articulated, it became a divine mandate as well as a law, which Americans violated in their oppressive treatment of women as well as slaves. In "The Great Lawsuit," Fuller argued that Woman's redress to natural law must come from education and unobstructed access to the public sphere of employment and politics. Unlike "separate spheres" theorists like Catherine Beecher, Fuller argued that there were no essential differences between men and women, that promoting self-reliance for both sexes would bring about needed change in public ideas and institutions, and that once what she called "femality" -- possessed by both sexes, and varying by individual -- was unleashed into a democratized public sphere, America might finally mature and bring forth an unprecedented fusion of spirit, nature and civic harmony. America was, she argued, immature, not yet the pride of Man. The solution was to refresh American political culture with its own egalitarian and spiritual founding ideals through androgynous self-reliance, thereby simultaneously remedying the violation of natural law and developing the special genius of America, the "great moral law." The "Great Lawsuit," then, sought the redress of injuries done to Man and Woman by social and political institutions which obstructed their liberty and equality as promised by American political culture.
"The Great Lawsuit" allowed Fuller to perform in text what she could not in reality: a sermon and a quasi-legal "case" in which she prophesied an androgynous civic identity of Transcendentalism and enlightened democracy. By textually "performing" traditionally male forms of civic discourse such as a lawsuit and a jeremiad, and by drawing on a plethora of familiar referents (such as Plato and John Winthrop), Fuller demonstrated her fitness for the male public sphere. Her performance of male discursive forms legitimized her authority, while her pantheon of historical women and her analysis of marriage and celibacy worked to subvert the male-dominated traditions from which those forms emerged. Rendering America a "wilderness" of selfishness, its institutions tyrannous and its citizens children, rather than men and women, she made the realization of women's rights vital to the Puritan errand, the legacy of the American Revolution, and crucial to the formation of American cultural identity.
The title "The Great Lawsuit" was important both for its epistemological and its performative qualities. Her argument contrasted the ideal of equality against social reality, leading the reader to act as an impartial judge and to be transformed by the process of considering both sides of the argument. She later wrote about the title:
[I]t requires some thought to see what it means, and might thus prepare the reader to meet me on my own ground. Besides, it offers a larger scope, and is, in that way, more just to my desire. I meant by that title to indicate the fact that, while it is the destiny of Man, in the course of the ages, to ascertain and fulfill the law of his being, so that his life shall be seen, as a whole, to be that of an angel or messenger, the action of prejudices and passions which attend, in the day, the growth of the individual, is continually obstructing the holy work that is to make the earth a part of heaven. By Man I mean both man and woman; these are the two halves of one thought. I lay no especial stress on the welfare of either. I believe that the development of the one cannot be effected without that of the other. My highest wish is that this truth should be distinctly and rationally apprehended, and the conditions of life and freedom recognized as the same for the daughters and the sons of time; twin exponents of a divine thought.
Her argument was so different from her reader's world view that she sought a mechanism to stimulate their thinking beyond the habitual. Like Plato in the Republic, Fuller understood that her reader reasoned from flawed a priori assumptions-- specifically, "separate spheres" ideology and the "scientific" studies that gave credence to theories of sexual inequality. The confident "attempts of physiologists to bind great laws by the forms which flow from them" ignored that these "forms" were a result of human education, laws and cultural imperatives, rather than "nature." (Interestingly, she would engage a kind of historical empiricism to support her view of Woman's role in history.) These forms were neither indicative of innate natural differences, nor predictive of future possibility, for, she argued: "Presently, [Nature] will make a female Newton, and a male syren." Thus, laws upholding sexual inequality in the public sphere were enacted against nature and therefore required revision. First, however, the reader had to be persuaded to weigh the evidence that the "laws of nature" were in fact cultural constructs, or what performance theorist Judith Butler has called "scripts." Such persuasion was (and is) no mean cognitive accomplishment, for as Butler has argued, the repeated "performance" of cultural scripts (for example, "separate spheres") reifies them until a violation of their precepts (in this case, Woman in the public sphere) seems unnatural or impossible.
This idea of the impossibility of Woman in the public sphere illuminates the importance of Fuller's performance of the authoritative civic rhetoric usually used by men. Fuller noted that advocates for Woman were considered modern-day Jacobins, upending institutional structures that enshrined "natural" gender inequality. Invoking powerful male civic traditions, Fuller could gain the legitimacy necessary to assert that Woman is equal to Man, as well as demonstrating it by her performance in the public sphere. She also could promote gender equality as the reconciliation of American ideals and institutions. Fuller distinguished the ideal of American gender equality from the universal enfranchisement of the French Revolution by condemning the violence and upheaval associated with the radically democratic Jacobins. In America, equal citizenship was not "Jacobin" but the natural maturation of American ideals. The means for a peaceful revolution toward equality would be through a spiritually enlightened, androgynous democracy. That this spiritual revolution would lead to the fuller expression of human equality was key to both her affirmation and challenge to existing political culture. She sought to revitalize American culture by illuminating the yawning gap between its mission and its current realization in American life, in the tradition of the New England jeremiad.
Moving deftly between the courtroom and the pulpit, Fuller thus set up the first element of a jeremiad by identifying how Americans had fallen away from their covenant with God. In Fuller's "Great Lawsuit," that covenant (a legal concept in and of itself) was inextricably bound with the natural law sentiments espoused during the Revolution. Once articulated, the truth that all men were created equal became a law, "irrevocable as that of the Medes in their ancient dominion." America was still a cultural wilderness since this law was violated shamelessly, and the "great moral law" had not been elucidated. The lawsuits of the essay's title were therefore between the ideal and reality of Man and men, Woman and women. Man was entitled to equality and freedom, both of which were usurped by men, the "pygmies" who dwell in the wilderness of selfishness and erroneously claim Man's inheritance, but he was "still kept out of his inheritance, still a pleader, still a pilgrim." Despite all manner of self-reliant men and women who sacrificed temporal rewards to purchase "one seed for the future Eden," the errand remained unfulfilled. For America to complete its errand, legal and other institutions needed to be reconciled with the divine law. Fuller quoted St. Martin, whose public philosophy provided the proper ideology:
The ministry of man implies, that he must be filled from the divine fountains which are being engendered through all eternity, so that, at the mere name of his Master, he may be able to cast all his enemies into the abyss; that he may deliver all parts of nature from the barriers that imprison them; that he may purge the terrestrial atmosphere from the poisons that infect it; that he may preserve the bodies of men from the corrupt influences that surround, and the maladies that afflict them; still more, that he may keep their souls pure from the malignant insinuations which pollute, and the gloomy images that obscure them; that we may restore its serenity to the Word, which false words of men fill with mourning and sadness; that he may satisfy the desires of the angels, who await from him the development of the marvels of nature; that, in fine, his world may be filled with God, as eternity is.
Fuller used this quote to link the Chiliastic imperative of the Puritans with Transcendentalist means of anti-institutionalization, and with these to refresh America's experiment of a nation built on divine and natural law. The mistreatment of Indians, Blacks and Woman overshadowed America's especial genius, yet, she argued, "Only seemingly, and whatever seems to the contrary, this country is as surely destined to elucidate a great moral law, as Europe was to promote the mental culture of man." Liberty and equality inhered in the promise of America, yet America failed to produce equality and liberty in its culture, thus obstructing the realization of its own particular genius. Insofar as Americans could negotiate an institutional re-alignment, human souls would be able to express the will of God, making the United States an Eden ruled by natural law. She continued, "though the national independence be blurred by the servility of individuals," though Americans indulged in appetitive and indolent behavior, "still it is not in vain, that the verbal statement has been made, 'All men are born free and equal.'" Here, Fuller refreshed the Puritan and Revolutionary language of her father and grandfathers, fusing Transcendentalism with civic duty.
The combination of an unfulfilled errand with revolutionary rhetoric makes for a powerful jeremiad, and Fuller's was made more powerful by her revisionary gender performance. Fuller was the driving force behind the philosophy of The Dial and its inaugural editor, and it was the policy of the journal to not publish authors' names. This may have been intended to free the contributors of their fame (or lack thereof), making the expression of ideas more central than authorial reputation, but it also had the effect of rendering the authors sexless. In the "Great Lawsuit," this anonymity compounded her performance of male rhetorical forms, rendering her unclassifiable, a recognized crosser of cultural gender boundaries. Insofar as she defined herself by her head rather than her heart, promoted equal education, and was the most active of the Transcendentalists, Fuller's writing can be seen as the intellectual equivalent of transvestitism. As Marjorie Garber argues, transvestitism in narrative signals category crisis, "a failure of definitional distinction, a borderline that becomes permeable, permitting border crossings from one apparently distinct category to another. What seems like a binary opposition, a clear choice between opposites that define cultural boundaries, is revealed not only to be a construct but also-- more disturbingly-- a construct that no longer works to contain and delimit meaning." Garber notes that such narratives are characteristic of worlds under conceptual stress; certainly, this is consistent with most of the nineteenth century, especially from the vantage point of Transcendentalists. Obvious areas of conceptual stress were the ideals of the Revolution versus the emerging morally complaisant reality, the cultural codification of separate domestic and public spheres, issues of industrialization, urbanization and immigration, republican versus democratic politics, and, perhaps most importantly for women, a period of "backlash"-like reversals of legal and political gains made during the Revolutionary War period when the loyalty of women was critical. This was also the era of the "American Rennaissance," of striving for a characteristic national cultural identity, which Fuller sought to further through her editorship of and writing for The Dial.
During this national identity crisis, Fuller took advantage of "male" intellectual abilities to affirm and transform American political cultural ideas such that Woman's equal citizenship became their logical and necessary development. As Judith Butler has argued, gender is an act to be learned, rehearsed, and then performed-- with the performance rendering social laws explicit. Fuller's performance of civic equality was an explicit re-rendering of social laws: Woman was equal, Woman belonged in the public sphere, and those who blocked Woman's ascent blocked the realization of the City on a Hill and the maturation of Revolutionary ideals. Fuller was Euridice calling for a new Orpheus, to re-make laws according to divine commission. She became Moses-like, although she could only reach the housetop and the church spire, not Pisgah. She invoked Platonic notions of the ideal city to bolster her the importance of the androgynous soul to the ideal city, and again to indict contemporary gender roles with allusions to Plato's cave. In Plato's Republic, ascent from the cave was realized by the soul's awakening through the dialectical process and study of the forms. For Fuller, the watchers in the cave of culture were "incarcerated," to be freed only when the religious self-reliance was established in them. These shadowy wrong ideas and dead institutions stunted the maturation of the polity (compared to a tree by Fuller), which could not "come to flower till its root be freed from the cankering worm, and its whole growth open to air and light." Yet, who might be the gardener, if the existing order stunted the development of both sexes? Men could not be expected to assist in reconciling relations between the sexes, since they were intellectually incapable of conceiving of women as anything other than for man (not Man). Boy-like men desired girl-like women they could dominate, or surrogate mothers to take care of them. Women, meanwhile, were also unable to perceive clearly; Fuller herself warned that she spoke as much from "society" as from the soul, and thus she offered only the next step forward, not a universal vision. Since both sexes had come to view gender inequality as "natural," and because men benefited from the arrangement, change would have to come from women's continuing self-reliant maturation. Rather than being contented with the constricted sphere articulated by an immature "model-woman of bridal like beauty," women needed to become like Emerson's "American Scholar," showing truth amidst appearances and cheering others to reach higher intelligence and accomplishment.
To that end, an education about Woman's role in the development of Western civilization would provide a starting point for women's thoughts and actions, and men's cooperation. "The Idea of woman," she noted, "has not failed to be often and forcibly represented." Her examples of the self reliant (or at least, notable) women varied from the Virgin Mary to Mary Wollstonecraft, from Cassandra to Mother Anne Lee, demonstrating that women have performed many roles in the public sphere. While Eve may have tempted Adam, Mary redeemed womanhood for the Biblical tradition. Some women-- Queen Elizabeth, Semiamis, Catharine of Russia, Aspasia, Sappho and Eloisa are historical figures given attention in male histories. The Egyptians, Greeks and Romans all had goddesses, with the "wisest legislator" of the latter referring to Meditation as a nymph. Greek drama was full of female characters (Cassandra, Iphigenia, Antigone, Macaria), when Sybelline priestesses were the conduits of the highest god who ruled with nine muses, and when Victory wore a female form. Of all the antiquities, however, Sparta was special:
In Sparta, though, in this respect as all others, was expressed in the characters of real life, and the women of Sparta were as much Spartans as the men. The Citoyen, Citoyenne, of France, was here actualized. Was not the calm equality they enjoyed well worth the honors of chivalry? They intelligently shared the ideal life of their nation.
Sparta was the example par excellence, where the ideal became flesh.
Fuller's portrayal of historical women was meant to "rouse an infinite expectation" of what Woman might accomplish, which scripts she might perform, were she not held back. Each woman is simply documented, neither sentimentalized nor held up as a model of virtue for emulation by the reader. Rather, they represent empirical proof of the myriad possibilities of Woman's performance of self. When details are given, they demonstrate how each woman further complicates the notion of Woman. For example, both the English Queen Elizabeth and the Castilian Queen Isabella "expressed the beginning of the new state, while they forwarded its progress." Each exercised considerable influence on Western culture, yet each was distinct with respect to her private life: "One showed that this strength did not unfit a woman for the duties of a wife and mother; the other, that it could enable her to live and die alone." In Fuller's retelling, Isabella, and not Columbus, is the agent behind the colonization of America, since she funded the journey. Thus, America "must pay back its debt to women, without whose aid it would not have been brought into alliance with the civilized world." Elizabeth, on the other hand, profoundly influenced the great poets of her age by the very fact that she was a powerful queen, inspiring Spenser's Britomart and Belphoebe, as well as Shakespeare's strong women characters. Thus, women can be at once Queen and Muse, powerful in act and inspiration.
Fuller then turned her attention to her contemporaries, analyzing the private "women's sphere" according to the same standards as she has the public sphere in Man vs. Men-- its merits for the development of the androgynous soul (and hence, its compliance with divine and natural law). As against the Puritan model of the male-dominated marriage and home as the "little commonwealth," Fuller articulated a model of private life as the environment in which the soul flourishes or withers, and thus determines the health, or the disease, or the body politic. For Winthrop, the obedience of the wife to the authoritarian husband, the "head" of the household, was the proper model of obedience between the governed and the governing. Fuller, conversely, argued that there can be no unity without all elements of that unity able to function as independent units; the wife has a head of her own, and she must be allowed to use it. Of four kinds of equality in marriage (household partnership, mutual idolatry, intellectual companionship and the marriage of kindred souls), the first three lack the quality of soul-nurturing. Of these three, the third (the intellectual companionship) is only an antetype, since it lacks spiritual passion. She illustrated the intellectual companionship with the marriages of Mary Wollstonecraft and of Madam Roland, the latter representing a modern incarnation of Spenser's Britomart, an "antetype of a class to which the coming time will afford a field, the Spartan matron, brought by the culture of a book-furnishing age to intellectual consciousness and expansion." Given that these marriages (and the women in them) are antetypes, and that the fourth and most desirable form of marriage (the marriage of kindred souls) is virtually nonexistent, celibacy provides a better option. Celibacy, which she heralds as the "great fact of our time," could provide the much-needed opportunity for women to develop their own gifts and identities through self-reliance, transforming themselves through self-culture into literate and spiritual "Spartan Matrons" capable of taking their rightful place in the public sphere.
Fuller subsumed women's self-education and reforms in the private and civic institutions within the American Revolutionary tradition, noting that tyrannical bonds-- those which obstruct natural law-- were meant to be dissolved. Fuller viewed middle-class women's new leisure time and literacy as a unique opportunity for Woman's self-culture, and she advocated the books of Madame Roland, Mary Wollstonecraft and George Sand to that end. One can imagine, however, what a "true woman" might think of adding such texts to her bookshelves, alongside the Bible, Shakespeare, and perhaps a didactic romance or two. Fuller vindicated the propriety of these books by arguing that they were the product of women whose rich genius, tender sympathies, high virtue and chastened harmony would have been unnaturally obstructed by overly narrow bonds of feminine propriety, had they chosen to observe those bonds: "Were there as much room in the world for such, as in Spenser's poem for Britomart, they would not run their heads so wildly against its laws." Insofar as they sought to change tyrannical laws, advocates for Woman were the rightful inheritors of the Revolutionary spirit. If they "alarmed the country by pulling down old towers to get materials," it was simply because they were obliged to "build their house from the very foundation" since existing institutions were unnaturally constricting. New institutions must be built for the new self-reliant "Spartan Matrons" so that they might not be "obliged to run their heads against any wall." Far from advocating the downfall of American culture, the vindication of women's rights expressed "an onward tendency. . . an aspiration of soul, of energy of man, seeking clearness and freedom," in accordance with the best of American political culture.
This made the vindication of women's rights central to the revitalization of a distinct American culture, rather than "Jacobin" radicalism. The revitalization of American cultural identity would come from the logical extension of two of its most powerful cultural traditions, democracy and the sense of divine mission, with "femality" inspiring and guiding the harmonizing and maturation of the body politic. While Fuller was wary of the tyrannical nature of any authority, male or otherwise, that precluded self-reliance, femality was the necessary harmonizing accompaniment to universal civic equality. Femality was not limited to women, nor was masculinity limited to men, but each was a quality possessed by individuals of both sexes: "Male and female represent the two sides of the great radical dualism. But, in fact, they are perpetually passing into one another. . . There is no wholly masculine man, no purely feminine woman." The quality of masculinity was the useful one of completing and achieving tasks, while femality was the quality shared by "all men of genius." Femality was "electrical in movement, intuitive in function [and] spiritual in tendency." , Femality's dual nature was exemplified in the inspiring Muse and discerning Minerva, the former being lyrical and magnetic, and the latter the intuitive ability to grasp the totality of reality. Its Minerva aspect was akin to Plato's "dialectical personality"-- a man or woman capable of achieving a unified vision by contemplation rather than through their "eyes and senses," thus allowing them to discern the forms rather than just the shadows, making them philosophers capable of good leadership. Femality was from the "soul, and not from society," and was "a harmonizer of the vehement elements." Thus, femality's Muse aspect was similar to the Universal soul which Transcendentalists and Romantics held to be the underlying reality, and self-reliance was its individual Minerva aspect. It was Emerson's self-reliance, the connection of the individual soul to the Transcendentalist Oversoul. As the agent of genius, harmony and the sublime, femality was the answer to fears about the leveling tendencies of universal suffrage.
In fact, since femality represented a transcendent order, removing the barriers to its full expression (through granting civic equality) was necessary to the realization of the City on a Hill. A more open public sphere was necessarily the appropriate response to the divine and natural law that all humans are androgynous souls "appareled in flesh." Fuller engaged spirituality to affirm that "[t]here is but one law for all souls and, if there is to be an interpreter of it, he comes not as man, or son of man, but as Son of God." No human could speak completely and reliably from the soul, so democracy was necessary to prevent tyranny. By combining Transcendentalist self-reliance (the interaction of the Minerva and Muse aspects of Femality) with universal suffrage and civic participation, Americans might democratically clear away the "canker" of oppressive institutions; by aligning human laws with Femality, they would fulfill their the mission of elucidating a great moral law, bringing American culture into bloom. Then, Fuller prophesied, the Divine would "ascend into nature to a height unknown in the history of past ages, and nature, thus instructed, would regulate the spheres not only so as to avoid collision, but to bring forth ravishing harmony."
In presenting femality as the means to enacting the "great moral law" and finally working toward completion of the "errand in the wilderness," Fuller at once performed and advocated for a woman's role in the public sphere that simultaneously affirmed and revitalized American political cultural traditions. Femality was the animating spirit of the Western tradition and once barriers to its expression were removed, it would reach its zenith in reformed American cultural institutions. Since femality had been relegated to the domestic sphere, America was forced to wander without its philosophical half in a public wilderness of selfishness and cultural immaturity. Far from bringing irrationality to the public sphere, femality would invigorate the blood of the body politic with vital change, bringing it into alignment with the Divine and American founding ideals and thereby elucidating the "great moral law." The "Great Lawsuit" would be resolved when those who obstructed the realization of America's destiny (as the tyrannous English had during the Revolution) were defeated by Woman's advocates, the true heirs to the Revolutionary spirit. Yet America need not suffer through another Revolution, if only men would heed the millennialist urgency and moral anxiety stirred by Fuller's jeremiad. By performing her argument for femality and civic androgyny in traditionally male rhetorical roles, Fuller secured legitimacy for her ideas and for herself as an idea-- an intellectually androgynous woman in the public sphere.
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